George Washington to New Hampshire, 29 December 1777 (Detail, GLC03706) Civil War in Global Context: Lincoln Looks at the Emancipation of the Serfs by John Cane Burlington High School, Burlington, VT "The Emancipation Manifesto, March 3 1861" http://housatonic.net/Documents/434.htm In 1861, Czar Alexander issued the "Emancipation Manifesto" which freed twenty million serfs in Russia. Although accomplished without civil war, this emancipation had been preceded by years of unrest by the serfs and repression by the Czars and nobles. In the end, however, many in Russia had come to believe that serfdom was inefficient and needed to be changed. This feeling was heightened by the overall backwardness of Russia that was exposed by her defeat in the Crimean War (1854). Read the document as if you were Abraham Lincoln pondering the writing of the Emanicipation Proclamation. Emancipation Manifesto, March 3 1861 [NS](Excerpt) By the Grace of God We, Alexander II, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, and so forth, make known to all Our faithful subjects: Called by Divine Providence and by the sacred right of inheritance to the throne of Our Russian ancestors, We vowed in Our heart to fulfil the mission which is entrusted to Us and to surround with Our affection and Our Imperial solicitude all Our faithful subjects of every rank and condition, from the soldier who nobly defends the country to the humble artisan who works in industry; from the career official of the state to the ploughman who tills the soil. Examining the condition of classes and professions comprising the state, We became convinced that the present state legislation favours the upper and middle classes, defines their obligations, rights, and privileges, but does not equally favour the serfs, so designated because in part from old laws and in part from custom they have been hereditarily subjected to the authority of landowners, who in turn were obligated to provide for their well-being. Rights of nobles have been hitherto very broad and legally ill-defined, because they stem from tradition, custom, and the good will of the noblemen. In most cases this has led to the establishment of good patriarchal relations based on the sincere, just concern and benevolence on the part of the nobles, and on affectionate submission on the part of the peasants. Because of the decline of the simplicity of morals, because of an increase in the diversity of relations, because of the weakening of the direct paternal attitude of nobles toward the peasants, and because noble rights fell sometimes into the hands of people exclusively concerned with their personal interests, good relations weakened. The way was opened for an arbitrariness burdensome for the peasants and detrimental to their welfare, causing them to be indifferent to the improvement of their own existence. These facts had already attracted the attention of Our predecessors of glorious memory, and they had adopted measures aimed at improving the conditions of the peasants; but these measures were ineffective, partly because they depended on the free, generous action of nobles, and partly because they affected only some localities, by virtue of special circumstances or as an experiment. Thus Alexander 1 issued a decree on free farmers, and the late Imperial Russian Emperor Nicholas, Our beloved father, promulgated one dealing with the serfs. In the Western guberniias, inventory regulations determine the peasant land allotments and their obligations. But decrees on free farmers and serfs have been carried out on a limited scale only. We thus became convinced that the problem of improving the condition of serfs was a sacred inheritance bequeathed to Us by Our predecessors, a mission which, in the course of events, Divine Providence has called upon Us to fulfil. We have begun this task by expressing Our confidence in the Russian nobility, which has proved on so many occasions its devotion to the Throne, and its readiness to make sacrifices for the welfare of the country. We have left to the nobles themselves, in accordance with their own wishes, the task of preparing proposals for the new organisation of peasant life, proposals that would limit their rights over the peasants, and the realisation of which would inflict on them some material losses. Our confidence was justified. Through members of the guberniia committees, who had the trust of the nobles' gatherings, the nobility voluntarily renounced its right to own serfs. These committees, after collecting the necessary data, have formulated proposals on a new arrangement for serfs and their relationship with the nobles. These proposals were diverse, because of the nature of the problem. They have been compared, collated, systematised, rectified, and finalised in the Main Committee instituted for that purpose; and these new arrangements dealing with the peasants and domestics of the nobility have been examined in the State Council. Having invoked Divine assistance, We have resolved to execute this task. On the basis of the above mentioned new arrangements, the serfs will receive in time the full rights of free rural inhabitants. The nobles, while retaining their property rights on all the lands belonging to them, grant the peasants perpetual use of their domicile in return for a specified obligation; and, to assure their livelihood as well as to guarantee fulfilment of their obligations toward the government, grant them a portion of arable land fixed by the said arrangements, as well as other property. While enjoying these land allotments, the peasants are obliged, in return, to fulfil obligations to the noblemen fixed by the same arrangements. In this condition, which is temporary, the peasants are temporarily obligated. At the same time, they are granted the right to purchase their domicile, and, with the consent of the nobles, they may acquire in full ownership the arable lands and other properties which are allotted them for permanent use. Following such acquisition of full ownership of land, the peasants will be freed from their obligations to the nobles for the land thus purchased and will become free peasant landowners. A special decree dealing with domestics will establish a temporary status for them, adapted to their occupations and their needs. At the end of two years from the day of the promulgation of this decree, they shall receive full freedom and some temporary immunities. In accordance with the fundamental principles of these arrangements, the future organisation of peasants and domestics will be determined, the order of general peasant administration will be established, and the rights given to the peasants and to the domestics will be spelled out in detail, as will the obligations imposed on them toward the government and the nobles. 1. What in your estimation would Lincoln have found to be similar and different in the overall political-economic circumstances facing him compared to those facing the Czar? Explain. 2. What similarities and differences might Lincoln have seen between the circumstances and motives of Southern slaveholders and Russian serf-holding nobles? Explain. 3. What similarities and differences might Lincoln have seen between slaves and serfs? Explain. 4. How useful might Lincoln have found the Czar's plans for the future of the emancipated serfs to guide his vision for the future of emancipated slaves and former slaves owners? Explain. 5. In your estimation, how much effect might have Lincoln's position as an elected leader in a constitutional government had on the way he viewed the situation that he faced with slavery compared to the Czar's position as an absolute monarch might have had on the way the Czar viewed the situation he faced with the serfs?