Our Collection

At the Institute’s core is the Gilder Lehrman Collection, one of the great archives in American history. More than 85,000 items cover five hundred years of American history, from Columbus’s 1493 letter describing the New World through the end of the twentieth century.

Calhoun, John C. (John Caldwell) (1782-1850) to Wilson Lumpkin

High-resolution images are available to schools and libraries via subscription to American History, 1493-1943. Check to see if your school or library already has a subscription. Or click here for more information. You may also order a pdf of the image from us here.

Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC06317 Author/Creator: Calhoun, John C. (John Caldwell) (1782-1850) Place Written: Clemson, South Carolina Type: Autograph letter signed Date: 1 September 1848 Pagination: 4 p. : envelope : free frank ; 25.2 x 20.2 cm. Order a Copy

Here, Calhoun concurs with Lumpkin's views on nullification, the Union, and the differences between [the] North and the South. "The question between the North & South is ... a mere question of power. The pretext of bettering the condition of the Slave is laid asside. The only alternative left as is, shall we resist, or surrender, & thus in fact change condition with our Slaves." States that the South's condition is hopeless unless they can unite their parties. Feels that both candidates [presidential nominees Zachary Taylor and Lewis Cass] for election are useless. "What madness, to divide among ourselves, when our Union is essential to our safety, to quarrel about two men, from whom, their Northern supp[ort]ers, we have so little to expect!" Foresees defeat in the election and advises what the South's next step should be. " .... If we shall be defeated, as in all pribility we shall, nothing will be left, but for the South to meet in convention, & to take our defence in our own hands." Concludes by stating his views on the Presidential election, "I stand aloof on the independent ground, ready to support the democratick or whig candidate, which ever may succeed, so long as he goes right, & oppose him when he goes wrong." Written from Calhoun's home, Fort Hill, in Clemson, South Carolina. Calhoun's reply is also printed in the Papers of Calhoun, Vol. XXVI, 28-30.

John C. Calhoun was vice president under Andrew Jackson until 1832 when he resigned over opposition to the protective tariffs passed by Jackson. Calhoun developed the theory of nullification that led to the Nullification crisis in South Carolina in 1832-1833. He led the pro-slavery faction in the Senate in the 1830s and 1840s and played a major role in the deepening divide between the North and the South.
Wilson Lumpkin was a lawyer, a Georgia legislator and governor, and a U.S. senator, 1837-1841. As Governor of Georgia, Lumpkin had attacked nullification in an address to the state legislature, further isolating Calhoun and South Carolina at the height of the Nullification Crisis.

The main issue of the presidential election of 1848 was whether or not to allow slavery in the new territories acquired in the Mexican-American War. The Democrats nominated Lewis Cass, who had served as Governor and Senator for Michigan, Secretary of War under Andrew Jackson, and ambassador to France from 1836-1842. The Whig party nominated Mexican War General Zachary Taylor of Louisiana, who had been courted by both Whigs and the Democrats. Taylor avoided the slavery issue, but owned 200 slaves. Cass supported the principle of popular sovereignty, arguing that each territory should decide for itself whether to allow slavery. The Free Soil Party, consisting mainly of Northern Democrats and abolitionists, opposed any further expansion of slavery into the western territories. They nominated former president Martin Van Buren. Taylor ended up winning the election.

Fort Hill,
1st Sept 1848

My dear Sir,
Your opinions so entirely accord with mine, that I would but repeat yours, should I attempt to give mine, on the various subjects touched on in your last. The argument is, indeed, exhausted. The question between North & South is now acknowledged by the former to be a mere question of power. The pretext of bettering the condition of the Slave is laid aside. The only alternative left us is, shall we resist, or surrender, & thus in fact change conditions with our Slaves.
Our condition is hopeless, unless we should become far more united than we are at present. With Union, we could certainly save ourselves, and possibly the Union. I say possibly, [2] for it is to be doubted, whether the disease has not already progressed too far for that.
You ask me how is Union among ourselves to be brought about? I see but one way; to make manifest our danger & to expose the folly of the two parties in attempting to hold together with their respective Northern associates, when it is manifest, that neither party there can be relied on. A good deal was done towards this end at the last session and I hope much more may be at the next. Nothing that I see can be done between this & the presidential election, but to moderate, as far as possible, the asperity between the two parties, by showing how little we have to hope from the success of either candidate. What madness to divide among ourselves, when our Union is essential to our safety, & to quarrel about two men, from whom, & their Northern [3] supp[ort]ers, we have so little to expect!
After the election is over, the next & important step, is to adopt such measures as that every governor of every slave holding state, & and [sic] all their Legislatures shall take the highest ground, in reference to the Slave question; so that their members of Congress shall be assured, they will be backed & sustained at home in a manly discharge of their duty. The rest must be left to them. The session will be a short one, and the great question between North & South will come in issue on all points. If we shall be defeated, as in all pribility [sic] we shall, nothing will be left, but for the South to meet in convention, & to take our defence into our own hands, and their members of Congress must move in that. One ought to be called, in the case supposed, if the meeting should be even partial. It would give an impulse. Even an effort would be better than to settle down in hopeless despair. [4]
You have one or two should papers in your State. One I see frequently, the Macon Telegraph. If you have leisure, two or three strong communications to it from your pen, discussing the vast importance of the present juncture to the South, could not but do much good.
You propose to yourself the proper course as to the Presidential election. As to myself, I stand aloof on the independent ground, ready to support the democratic or whig candidate, which ever may succeed, so long as he goes right, & oppose him when he goes wrong.
With kind regards to Mrs. L. & your family.
Yours very truly & s[incerel]y
J. C. Calhoun
Hon. Wilson Lumpkin

Calhoun, John Caldwell, 1782-1850
Lumpkin, Wilson, 1783-1870
Calhoun, John Caldwell, 1782-1850

Citation Guidelines for Online Resources